Still, all told this is not quite how much say Gingrich made in Washington. For you. World globe An icon of the world globe, indicating different international options. Get the Insider App. Click here to learn more. A leading-edge research firm focused on digital transformation. Good Subscriber Account active since Shortcuts.
Now you want to talk about hubris, and confidence, people were saying we should get out of the race and we were spending money to get on ballots in March and April instead of trying to survive in Iowa," Santorum said in March when asked why his campaign was unable to file the necessary paper work to be eligible for all of the delegates in Illinois. It was true. For a campaign still running on fumes and sitting at the bottom of the polls, they had enough faith in themselves to look ahead.
And Santorum was not the only one that had electoral issues. But in important primary states like Illinois and Ohio, Santorum's disorganization meant he was not eligible to win all the state's delegates. Santorum's ballot problems could easily have been a non-issue if something didn't happen in Iowa. There was no one moment that things started to shift in the campaign's favor.
He drew attention and acclaim for his speech that night, and the motto "Fear Rick's Vest" was born. But Santorum's momentum did not seem to have a single origin. This was the up-and-coming thing, and it came out of nowhere," Elizabeth Santorum said. It was just Iowans started deciding. It was the real first break he had taken in months, and when he returned to the Hawkeye State to go pheasant hunting with Iowa Congressman Steve King, things were different -- in a good way.
For the first time in his candidacy, polls showed Santorum on the rise. Earlier in the month, tea party favorite Herman Cain had exited the race, and caucusegoers showing up at Santorum rallies would frequently say they were giving the former senator a second look after the pizza magnate dropped out. Brown, who was tracking results in a room with a representative from each campaign and members of the Iowa Republican Party, remembers a Romney staffer congratulating him when it looked like Santorum would win.
Speaking at the "College Convention," he engaged in a debate -- not with his rival candidates, but with college students. They pushed him on his views on gay marriage, and he pushed back. Speaking to a crowd of mostly young people, Santorum compared gay marriage to polygamy when crowd members pressed him on his steadfast defense of traditional marriage. The occasionally contentious exchange dominated the headlines.
They spent a lot of time in New Hampshire, but little money. The narrative of a campaign stuck on social issues was building. It seemed as though Santorum would go out like a one-hit wonder in the vein of Mike Huckabee in After the South Carolina primary, they hired someone with the title of national political director, Andrew Boucher.
He began building beyond the carve-out states. In many cases, they had no paid staff on the ground until a couple weeks before a primary. In Georgia, where Santorum finished third behind Gingrich and Romney, the campaign relied on an all-volunteer staff. Though fundraising had picked up after Iowa, the money was still tight.
Their solution was to pay one or two people in a state who would help guide the volunteer efforts. Flying so low under the radar is a large reason why Santorum was able to sweep Colorado, Minnesota and Missouri on February 7.
The three victories would be the second biggest night of the Santorum campaign, but also would make them the Romney campaign's No. It meant he rarely traveled with anyone from his communications team. I certainly don't hold that against him, and I think it's quite honorable, in fact, and gives him good qualities. Friess said he doesn't counsel his chosen candidate on strategy, but he does think Santorum can woo the "pro-Israel voting bloc," Catholic and Evangelical voters.
Santorum is constantly mentioning on the stump the dangers of a nuclear Iran and how the country would never be allowed to develop a nuclear weapon if he were president, but Friess specifically mentioned his work on both Iran- and Syria-related issues as reasons he would do well with voters that are interested in a more hawkish and conservative Israel stance. Friess also cited the recent controversy between the Obama administration and the Catholic Church as the reason Santorum, a Catholic himself, would do well with the important voting bloc.
On the stump, Santorum has been railing against a new rule from the Department of Health and Human Services that will require all employer-provided health care plans, including those by religious employers like the Catholic Church, to provide contraception to women.
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